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With OPEC cutting oil production, Biden should respond by ending support for war in Yemen

FILE - Armed Houthi fighters attend the funeral procession of Houthi rebel fighters who were killed in recent fighting with forces of Yemen’s internationally recognized government, in Sanaa, Yemen, Wednesday, Nov. 24, 2021. The U.S. envoy to Yemen on Wednesday, Oct. 5, 2022, blamed rebel Houthi leaders for the recent failure to extend the country’s cease-fire agreement, accusing them of making last-minute ‘maximalist demands’ that derailed constructive negotiations. (AP Photo/Hani Mohammed, File)
FILE - Armed Houthi fighters attend the funeral procession of Houthi rebel fighters who were killed in recent fighting with forces of Yemen’s internationally recognized government, in Sanaa, Yemen, Wednesday, Nov. 24, 2021. The U.S. envoy to Yemen on Wednesday, Oct. 5, 2022, blamed rebel Houthi leaders for the recent failure to extend the country’s cease-fire agreement, accusing them of making last-minute ‘maximalist demands’ that derailed constructive negotiations. (AP Photo/Hani Mohammed, File) AP

The Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) plans to decrease oil production by two million barrels per day, which will increase prices and limit supply for consumers worldwide; and President Biden is considering America’s next move. The U.S. can take a stand while doing good by withdrawing support for Saudi Arabia’s war in Yemen. This would send a potent message to the Saudis and, more important, would help alleviate arguably the worst humanitarian crisis in the world today.

In the aftermath of the Arab Spring, Yemen traded one incompetent and corrupt regime for another when Abd-Rabbu Mansour Hadi came to power. A Shiite rebel group — formally known as Ansar Allah and more commonly called the Houthis, since their leader was from the Houthi clan — opposed Hadi and fomented insurgency. In 2015, Hadi fled Yemen for Saudi Arabia, where he enlisted Saudi support to beat back the Houthis. To do so, Saudi Arabia assembled a coalition of nine Arab states, with additional military support from the U.S., U.K., France and Canada. Although Iran has often denied giving military support to the Houthis, the evidence of such intervention is clear.

Since 2015, Saudi Arabia and Iran have fueled the cruel and internecine civil war in Yemen. Saudi airstrikes and a naval blockade have turned Yemen into a deathtrap for many of its residents. A recent truce expired on Oct. 2, with no renewal in sight. Long the poorest country in the Arab world, Yemen has been especially vulnerable to the tragic effects of 21st Century warfare, including disease, famine, lost infrastructure, refugee flows and civilian deaths.

The Council on Foreign Relations reports more than 370,000 war-related deaths in Yemen, nearly 60% of them from indirect causes such as insufficient food, water or health care. According to the United Nations Population Fund, the war has displaced 4.3 million people. Seventy-seven percent of these are women and children. More than a million pregnant and breastfeeding women are already severely undernourished. It would be difficult to overstate the suffering of the Yemeni people.

Saudi Arabia would like to control Yemen for many reasons, but two of the most important are oil-related. Yemen borders the Bab el-Mandeb Strait, which links the Red Sea with the Gulf of Aden. Millions of barrels of Saudi oil pass through it daily on ships. Saudi Arabia would also like to build an oil pipeline through eastern Yemen, allowing easier access to the Indian Ocean. With the pipeline up and running, Saudi Arabia could avoid exporting oil through the Strait of Hormuz, near Iran.

The U.S. has participated in the Saudi war effort through weapons sales, assistance with targeting and logistical support. In 2021, the Biden administration agreed to end support for offensive operations in Yemen, but the U.S. continues to share intelligence that assists Saudi Arabia’s airstrikes and blockade of the battered state. In addition, the U.S. provides spare parts and maintenance for military aircraft it has already sold to Saudi Arabia. Approximately 75% of Saudi warplanes were purchased from the U.S. To maintain this fleet, Saudi Arabia needs American spare parts and expertise in maintenance. Switching to another source of parts would require more than simply placing an order with another country, and, if such a switch is possible, the process would take years to complete. Withdrawing ongoing U.S. support will severely hamper the Saudi war effort.

All of this adds up to an unpleasant truth: While the U.S. is not directly engaged in the war in Yemen, American actions make us deeply complicit in the torment experienced by the Yemeni people. It also means that President Biden, seeking to rebuke Saudi oil policy, has an action channel connected directly to Saudi Arabia’s oil ambitions.

Congress has already shown interest in this matter. H.J.Res.87, which would prevent further U.S. involvement in the Yemen War without Congressional approval, has bipartisan support and 116 Members of Congress signed on as co-sponsors. Its Senate companion, S.J.Res.56, was introduced more recently and has ten co-sponsors.

If the Biden administration seeks a rejoinder to OPEC’s decrease in oil production, let us use the opportunity to change circumstances in Yemen for the better.

Lisa L. Ferrari is Professor of Politics and Government at the University of Puget Sound and a member of the Tacoma FCNL Advocacy Team.

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