On gun reform, aim for common ground in Washington Legislature. For bold change, ballots work best
Rep. Laurie Jinkins of Tacoma, Washington’s new speaker of the House, has an aggressive agenda this year to confront gun violence. So do fellow Democrats including Gov. Jay Inslee and Attorney General Bob Ferguson; they have resumed their clarion call for a ban on assault-style weapons and magazines carrying more than ten rounds of ammunition.
We certainly understand why.
Democrats are in the majority. They have the wind of a national gun-reform movement at their backs. They have survivors of national mass-shooting tragedies, from Parkland, Florida, to Las Vegas, sharing powerful testimony in Olympia hearing rooms.
But in the fray of a big election year, high-wattage issues like gun safety take up a lot of oxygen, and to what end?
Sure, politicians up for reelection can say they fought the good fight, but a view from 10,000 feet shows two sides bickering across an ideological divide while the clock runs down on a short 60-day session.
Firearm bills this year face strong backlash from Republicans and centrist Democrats. Last week’s gun-rights rally in Olympia, where hundreds of advocates gathered in solidarity against the gun-reform agenda, was a clear sign of that.
Fortunately, there is room for compromise, and House Bill 2467 is the best chance this year to find it. The proposal, which has bipartisan sponsorship, would create a centralized system for firearm dealers to request background checks through the Washington State Patrol.
It’s worth celebrating anytime legislators close gaps that allow criminals and other dangerous people to obtain firearms. And if a new law helps law-abiding gun owners complete a purchase with less time and hassle, that’s a positive outcome, too.
To date, the state’s disjointed gun-licensing system relies on more than 200 local governments to process more than 440,000 gun applications a year.
Anyone purchasing a handgun or semi-automatic weapon gets screened for disqualifiers like past criminal convictions, but local law enforcement agencies can’t see everything. If a purchaser has juvenile convictions or arrests beyond local jurisdictions, those could go undetected.
Adding to the confusion, the FBI conducts background checks when someone wants to buy a shotgun or lever-action rifle. The screening responsibility doesn’t have to be divided this way, and a streamlining effort is long overdue.
The goal of HB2467 is to create an automated, single point-of-contact background check system that honors Second Amendment rights while stopping prohibited persons from obtaining firearms. What’s not to like about that?
In a short legislative session, this is the kind of common ground that lawmakers should stake out.
For more ambitious gun reforms, the safer bet is to wait for the odd-year, 105-day session — or go directly to voters.
Make no mistake, Washington has more work to do to protect its people from firearms violence, both accidental and premeditated. We don’t fault leaders for wanting to join the majority of states that require training for people seeking a concealed pistol license (Senate Bill 6294). It’s hard to argue against education that makes us all safer.
Likewise, public officials have good reason to question why private citizens need to carry weapons that hold more than ten rounds of ammunition, enough to kill dozens of people in a matter of seconds (Senate Bill 6077).
Because one day, God forbid, young survivors of a Washington school shooting may go to Olympia and ask why lawmakers didn’t do more to prevent it from happening.
On Thursday, Jinkins and her Democratic caucus were able to push a bill through the House giving the State Patrol the option to destroy confiscated firearms. If it passes the full Legislature, this prudent move, which failed to gain traction last year, will take weapons off the streets that now can be traded or resold, sometimes falling into other criminals’ hands.
But recent history demonstrates that the most sweeping changes to state gun laws come by way of ballot initiatives.
Just ask Ferguson, the state attorney general. “Washingtonians are way, way ahead of their politicians,” he wrote in a TNT op-ed piece last week.
In 2016, it was voters, not legislators, who passed a “red flag” law; it allows police, loved ones and mental health providers to petition a judge to remove firearms from individuals they feel are a threat to themselves or others.
In 2018, it was voters, not legislators, who put restrictions on semi-automatic rifles, extending background checks and raising the minimum purchase age to 21.
Direct democracy may be the most pragmatic way forward. It’s why Washington earned the high grade of B-plus from the Gifford’s Law Center to Prevent Gun Violence.
Congress hasn’t made significant changes to federal gun laws since the 1990s – so it’s up to states to strike a balance between sensible gun reform and individual firearm rights.
This year, in a short Washington legislative session, reaching bipartisan agreement on a better background-check system would be a show of good faith.
This story was originally published January 26, 2020 at 8:00 AM.